General McClellan Letter to
President Lincoln on His Evacuation from the Peninsula Campaign
American State Papers
Kolbe Library
Kolbe Home
July 7, 1862
Headquarters,
Army of the Potomac,
Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va.,
Mr. President:
You have been fully informed that the rebel army is
in our front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions
or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot but regard our
condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of possible
contingencies, to lay before your excellency, for your private consideration,
my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they
do not strictly relate to the situation of this army or strictly come within
the scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are
deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it
is the cause of free institutions and self-government. The Constitution and
the Union must be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and
blood. If secession is successful other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in
the future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, nor foreign war
shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the
United States upon the people of every state.
3 The time has come when the government must determine
upon a civil and military policy covering the whole ground of our national
trouble.
4 The responsibility of determining, declaring, and
supporting such civil and military policy, and of directing the whole course
of national affairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and
exercised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power
sufficient even for the present terrible exigency.
5 This rebellion has assumed the character of war; as
such it should be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest
principles known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to
the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should not be at
all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political
organization. Neither confiscation of property, political executions of
persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery
should be contemplated for a moment. In prosecuting the war all private
property and unarmed persons should be strictly protected, subject only to the
necessity of military operations. All private property taken for military use
should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high
crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by
the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be
tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist, and oaths not
required by enactments constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor
received. Military government should be confined to the preservation of public
order and the protection of political rights. Military power should not be
allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or
impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in
other cases. Slave contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military
protection, should receive it. The right of the Government to appropriate
permanently to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and
the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized.
6 This principle might be extended, upon grounds of
military necessity and security, to all the slaves within a particular State,
thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western
Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure
is only a question of time.
7 A system of policy thus constitutional and
conservative, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom,
would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress
the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it
would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.
8 Unless the principles governing the future conduct of
our struggle shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite
forces will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially
upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy of the
government must be supported by concentration of military power. The national
forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and
numerous armies, but should be mainly collected into masses and brought to
bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly
defeated, the political structure which they support would soon cease to
exist.
9 In carrying out any system of policy which you may
form you will require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your
confidence, understands your views and who is competent to execute your orders
by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomplishment of the
objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to
serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do as faithfully
as ever subordinate served superior.
10 I may be on the brink of eternity; and as I hope
forgiveness from my Master, I have written this letter with sincerity towards
you and from love of my country.
Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Geo. B. McClellan,
Maj.-Gen. Commanding
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