Second Continenetal Congress: Declaration of the
Causes and
Necessity of Taking up Arms
july 6, 1775 American State Papers
Kolbe Library
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A declaration by the Representatives of the United
Colonies of North-America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason
to believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the
human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over
others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a
legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive,
the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament
of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them, has
been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles
of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who
reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the
welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that
end.
2 The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated
by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they
know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and
desparate [sic -- tdh] of success in any mode of contest, where regard should
be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to
effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by
violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their
last appeal from reason to arms. -- Yet, however blinded that assembly may be,
by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice and
the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to
the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
3 Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of
Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for
civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of
their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they
removed, by unceasing labor, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected
settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then filled with
numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. -- Societies or governments,
vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown,
and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the
kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this
union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It
is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength,
and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so
wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late
[French and Indian -- tdh] war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled
her to triumph over her enemies. -- Towards the conclusion of that war, it
pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. --
4 From that fatal moment, the affairs of the British
empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of
glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and
abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now
shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave
foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the
unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then of subduing her
faithful friends.
5 These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a
state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments
of statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and
respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful,
zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply
acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king,
and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. --
Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new
power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive
specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no
doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.
6 They have undertaken to give and grant our money
without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to
dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient
limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial
by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the
legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the
capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly
confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists
from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a
neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and
America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering
soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been
resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain
offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
7 But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail?
By one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to
bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so
enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is
chosen by us; or is subject to our controul or influence; but, on the
contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an
American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is
raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they
increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We
for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as
supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild
and decent language.
8 Administration sensible that we should regard these
oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it
was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress
of delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the
fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain.
We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure: we have even
proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as
the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth
should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves,
was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn,
how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
9 Several threatening expressions against the colonies
were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was
a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously,
and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses
among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons
in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at
that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that
those concerned in it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful
combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in
several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that
he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obedience to the laws
and authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial
intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other,
was cut off by an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely
prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their co[a]sts, on which they
always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and
troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.
10 Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and
eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguised peers, and
commoners, who nobly and stren[u]ously asserted the justice of our cause, to
stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and
unexampled outrages were hurried on. -- Equally fruitless was the interference
of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our
favour. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to
establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against
colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus
to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should
be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with
the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the
prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been
dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in [sic -- tdh] our
circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.
11 Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings
arrived on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year
had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of
Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it [as] a garrison, on the 19th day of
April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an
unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of
Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of
whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the
inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in
warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the
inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until
compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this
cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been
since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. --
12 The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that
town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their
dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said
inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should
have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly
delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the
obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the
governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved
for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest
part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted
to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
13 By this perfidy wives are separated from their
husbands, children from their parents, the aged and sick from their relations
and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used
to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
14 The general, further emulating his ministerial
masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting
the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these
colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description,
to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law, and
instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law
martial." -- His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly
burned Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places;
our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are
intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and
devastation around him.
15 We have received certain intelligence, that general
Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province
and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but little reason to apprehend,
that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief,
a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far
as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated
calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of
chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or
resistance by force. -- The latter latter is our choice. -- We have counted
the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery.
-- Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom
which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity
have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of
resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits
them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
16 Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal
resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtably
attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine
favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into
this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had
been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of
defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections,
we most solemnly, before God and the world, *declare*, that exerting the
utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously
bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we
will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence,
employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to
die freemen rather than to live slaves.
17 Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of
our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that
we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted
between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not
yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other
nation to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious
designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states.
We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable
spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation
or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization,
and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
18 In our own native land, in defence of the freedom
that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of
it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest
industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered,
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on
the part of the agressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be
removed, and not before.
19 With an humble confidence in the mercies of the
supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly
implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict,
to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby
to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.[1]
By Order of Congress
John Hancock
President
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