The Monroe
Doctrine
Year: 1823
American State Papers
Kolbe Library
Kolbe Home At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government,
made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and
instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St.
Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and
interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A
similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of
Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the
United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the
great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the
Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his
Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in
the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the
United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not
to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. .
.
2 It was stated at the commencement of the last session
that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the
condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be
conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the
results have been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of
events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse
and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and
interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments
the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on
that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters
relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with
our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously
menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the
movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected,
and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial
observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different
in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which
has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by
the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed
unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to
candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and
those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European
power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments
who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence
we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could
not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling
in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light
than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United
States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our
neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and
shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the
judgement of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a
corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their
security.
3 The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that
Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be
adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any
principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the
internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried,
on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose
governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and
surely none of them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long
agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is,
not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider
the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm,
and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power,
submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents
circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that
the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone
believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of
their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold
such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the
comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and
their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue
them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to
themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the same course.
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